#12 Ute Frevert

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On October 27, 2022, Ute Frevert, the his­to­ri­an and former Di­rec­tor of the Max Planck In­sti­tu­te for Human De­ve­lop­ment, Berlin, gave a lecture en­t­it­led “Po­li­tics and Fee­lings: An Unholy Al­li­an­ce” for the Mar­si­li­us-Kolleg in the Great Hall at Hei­del­berg Uni­ver­si­ty.

Frevert began by stating it was in­cor­rect to assume emo­ti­ons had only come to do­mi­na­te po­li­tics in the present day. Pre­vious­ly, under ab­so­lu­tism, rulers had pre­sen­ted them­sel­ves as ben­evo­lent, pa­ter­nal over­lords caring pro­tec­tively for their sub­jec­ts with warmth and af­fec­tion. In ni­ne­teenth-century li­be­ra­lism, emo­ti­ons had then been wielded like weapons in po­li­ti­cal dis­pu­tes over matters of princip­le. This ten­den­cy had cul­mi­na­ted in the Weimar Re­pu­blic, where fierce con­tro­ver­sies had raged about the fun­da­men­tals of mu­tual­ly ant­ago­nistic world views. Quite dif­fe­rent me­cha­nisms ope­ra­ted where affects were ex­ploi­ted in dic­ta­tor­ships. Na­tio­nal So­cia­lism and Sta­li­nism de­mons­tra­ted how sty­li­zed por­tra­yals of rulers were de­si­gned to evoke emo­tio­nal effects, sway the masses, and elicit broad iden­ti­fi­ca­ti­on with au­to­cra­tic figures. By con­trast, Frevert con­t­en­ded, the still-young Federal Re­pu­blic of Germany (FRG) had, with its pro­gram­ma­tic sobrie­ty, di­stan­ced itself from the mass parades of the Nazi state. Through into the 1970s, debates in par­li­a­ment and the media had been con­duc­ted in a poin­ted­ly ob­jec­tive tone despite the pro­found dis­agree­ments over many issues, es­pe­ci­al­ly re­la­ti­ons with the German De­mo­cra­tic Re­pu­blic (GDR), the policy of détente, and the trea­ties signed with Eastern Bloc states. During this phase of con­tem­pora­ry history, it had only been ap­pa­rent that po­li­ti­ci­ans acted as “ma­na­gers of emotion” from the manner in which elec­tion cam­pai­gns were fought, a si­tua­ti­on in which voters’ at­tach­ment to par­ti­cu­lar parties was at stake. Unlike in East Germany, which had em­ploy­ed state-or­ga­ni­zed mass events to induce power­ful emo­tio­nal re­spon­ses, the street had not been the stage where po­li­tics was acted out in the early days of the Federal Re­pu­blic.

This had only changed in the late 1970s and early 1980s with the peace mo­ve­ment, which had used the affect of fear to drive and shape po­li­ti­cal con­flic­ts. Frevert talked of the “well-tem­pe­red emo­tio­nal po­li­tics of bour­geois society” prac­ticed during this period, a phe­no­me­non en­cou­ra­ged by the general va­lo­ri­za­ti­on of emo­ti­ons as­so­cia­ted with a new sub­jec­tivi­ty. The pre­vai­ling con­sen­sus about the rules of de­mo­cra­cy had first been broken by the radical left with the various forms of re­sis­tan­ce to which they re­sor­ted, even going as far as violent ter­ro­rism. Today, it was mainly the right – the Al­ter­na­ti­ve for Germany (AfD), the Pa­trio­tic Eu­ropeans against the Is­la­mi­za­ti­on of the West (Pegida) mo­ve­ment, and the Reichs­bür­ger seeking to restore the old German Empire – who wished to shake off de­mo­cra­tic values, brook no com­pro­mi­se, and ar­ti­cu­la­te purely sub­jec­tive demands. The blur­ring of the bounda­ries that defined de­mo­cra­tic values was making it pos­si­ble for fee­lings to func­tion as ve­hi­cles for group iden­ti­ty and trans­mu­te into fun­da­men­ta­list pro­pa­gan­da for po­si­ti­ons that no longer set store by con­sen­sus.

Ute Frevert closed her lecture with a pas­sio­na­te appeal for emo­ti­ons to have a place in the po­li­ti­cal sphere, stating they were ne­cessa­ry because po­li­tics dealt with exis­ten­ti­al issues and pro­blems that were not amen­ab­le to re­so­lu­ti­on by ra­tio­nal ar­gu­ments alone. No­ne­theless, the basic ques­ti­on was still how ex­pres­si­ons of emotion could be con­tai­ned and sub­li­ma­ted po­li­ti­cal­ly without paying the price of a “halving of de­mo­cra­cy” (Rainer Forst). The so­lu­ti­on lay in the per­pe­tu­al re­fi­ne­ment of our culture of debate, which might allow space for affects, but should not abandon the con­sen­sus about our de­mo­cra­tic values. Only in this way would we be able, as Ute Frevert put it, to streng­t­hen the power of fee­lings where they could be re­con­ci­led with de­mo­cra­cy while, at the same time, wea­ke­n­ing their de­st­ruc­tive dy­na­mics.

Peter-André Alt

Date October 27, 2022
Lan­guage German
Length 50 mins
Title, series Politik und Gefühl, Mar­si­li­us-Vor­le­sung
Video Uni­ver­si­tät Hei­del­berg